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Thu, Apr

The Hollywood Bowl Station: A Tale of Relentless and Dirty Politics and Swift Strategic Actions

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VIEWPOINT - I have waited over four decades to hear that the Metro rail route expansion into Hollywood with terminus at Hollywood Bowl— the K Line Extension—has entered its final stretch and that the full 9.7‑mile rail will start construction possibly by late 2041..

Finally, we can now enjoy a key transit station at the Hollywood Bowl, whose progress stopped by an unjustified, politically motivated obstruction. I remember it well because it all unfolded when I served as president of the Southern California Rapid Transit District (RTD) and, therefore, was the hinge point for the Metro Rail during that pivotal period.

In 1985 we were deeply involved in seeking federal funds for the first Metro Rail Segment. The US Department of Transportation finally approved funding for an engineering and environmental study to identify alternate routes within LA County. The preferred route was a course starting at Union Station, going through Downtown Los Angeles and out to Wilshire Blvd., up Fairfax and back toward Hollywood with a station at the Bowl, before heading to the San Fernando Valley. I strongly championed building a station at the Hollywood Bowl and one was designed by celebrated architect Frank Gehry depicting a horn instrument. 

Congressman Henry Waxman, who chaired a powerful subcommittee that investigated health and environmental safety issues for the House of Representatives, blocked the project because residents of his affluent Westside district did not want the subway. When a methane explosion at Ross Dress for Less in the Fairfax District occurred, he argued that tunneling under Wilshire was unsafe. In 1986, he sponsored federal legislation banning the use of federal funds for tunneling under Wilshire, explicitly citing the explosion.

In truth, strong opposition came from numerous groups, chief among them the Hancock Park Homeowners Association. They feared an influx of new residents could change the character of their community, and they spoke of the potential for crime by subway riders. Renowned actor George Takei, an RTD board member and Hancock Park resident, said “low-income people” were unwelcome by the residents, and they “didn’t want those people.”

Months of negotiations in Washington, D.C., could not break open the federal piggie bank and Metro Rail stalled. All hopes were diminishing for building a Los Angeles transit system that would catapult it into a world-class metropolis. 

I turned to Stu Spencer, the celebrated political consultant who ran Ronald Reagan’s campaigns for governor and president. He set up a meeting with David Stockman, the President’s budget director, in the West Wing of the White House. “We need a Letter of Intent (LOI) for the Los Angeles Subway,” I asked of Stockman. He agreed. But the promise was short-lived. The very next day his office said he misspoke. 

To allay the fear of methane explosions, I pointed out to Waxman that the Los Angeles County Department of Public Works was constructing a storm drain within feet of the proposed subway tunnel at that time. “I have no control over the city,” Waxman responded. Further, the Los Angeles Department of Building and Safety had tested waterproofing membranes for use as methane barriers.

Two months later, on May 1, 1985, I joined Mayor Tom Bradley, Bill Robertson, the LA County AFL-CIO chief, as we traveled to Washington, DC, to testify before House and Senate subcommittees holding related hearings. Our primary goal was to secure $150 million for the initial four-mile stretch of Metro Rail from Union Station into the Wilshire Corridor. We also wanted released $129 million that had been previously approved but delayed, due to President Reagan’s proposal to end funding for new rail projects—a move pushed by Stockman.

Instantly, political activities elevated. A virulent opponent of the project, California Congresswoman Bobbi Fiedler (R-Northridge), became actively involved with the powerful Westside Waxman-Berman-Levine political machine to stop the subway. Fiedler had killed the Downtown People Mover, diverting the grant to the Miami-Dade County which built its Metromover, a fare-free elevated downtown people mover.

Also, the Los Angeles Times had speculated that Rep. Howard Berman sought to undercut Mayor Bradley in his possible second gubernatorial bid.

In July 1985, two months after hearings in Washington, DC, the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Transportation approved $130 million in start-up funds and directed the Administration to allocate $427 million for the first 4.4-mile section. 

Numerous attempts to assure Waxman of the safety of tunneling through the Fairfax area were unsuccessful. The situation deteriorated rapidly. In September 1985, lobbyist Mickey Kantor—who would later serve as United States Secretary of Commerce—accompanied RTD’s chief John Dyer and myself to Washington for a final effort to persuade Waxman to reconsider his opposition to the project. Mayor Bradley, our chief advocate, also participated, lending the authority of his office to the initiative.

We tried to get Waxman to reconsider his opposition, but he was adamant, rejecting one proposal after another. During the enduring discussions, Dyer approached me. “Waxman will drop his opposition if he has veto power over all consultants and contracts.” 

“John, that’s crazy,” I responded. “I cannot support that, and neither will my board. I am certain of that.” 

Time passed without resolution. During the House debate, Mayor Bradley returned to Los Angeles. I reviewed methane zone maps and identified an escape route. After discussing with Dyer, we proposed bypassing Fairfax via Pico/San Vicente, avoiding methane issues. Waxman agreed to the plan. He would no longer be a co-sponsor of the legislation. 

Rep. Julian Dixon and Waxman provided a compromise amendment requiring the subway to be rerouted to Pico/San Vicente, avoiding Fairfax. The full House, on a 242-172 vote, authorized $117.2 million for construction of the mass transit system. But no tunneling would be permitted in the Fairfax district. Unfortunately, the route of the subway through Hollywood was redesigned with the Hollywood Bowl station eliminated.

The implementation of advanced closed-face, pressurized Tunnel Boring Machines represented the significant development that ensured both the safety and technical viability of tunneling through the Fairfax/Miracle Mile methane zone. The lifting of the federal tunneling ban occurred because Metro could prove tunneling was safe.

After a tension-filled run of many years, the Metro K Line, a consequential part of our transit infrastructure, will be a reality, and concertgoers will be able to take the subway to the Hollywood Bowl, albeit close to a century later, thanks to shortsighted dealings of Congressman Henry Waxman.

 

(Parts of this comment are drawn from my book "The Making of Modern Los Angeles")

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(Nick Patsaouras is an electrical engineer, civic leader, and a longtime public advocate. He ran for Mayor in 1993 with a focus on rebuilding L.A. through transportation after the 1992 civil unrest. He has served on major public boards, including the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, Metro, and the Board of Zoning Appeals, helping guide infrastructure and planning policy in Los Angeles.

 

 

 

 

 

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