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Is Bernie Sanders’ Our Revolution Betraying Its Anti-Oligarchic Roots?

Tom Steyer, Xavier Becerra

POLITICS
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ACCORDING TO LIZ - Our Revolution is the widely-known political group Bernie Sanders established in the wake of his 2016 presidential campaign to maintain the momentum of progressive activism and his views on how the United States should evolve to benefit the people of our country. 

Its designated purpose was to take on corporate power, elect progressives, and fight for a government that works for all... putting people and planet first.

Joseph Geevarghese took on the role of executive director in 2020. Geevarghese was a respected labor organizer, political strategist and attorney, a tireless campaigner for policies to improve health-care access and worker rights through national organizations Change to Win and Good Jobs Nation.

As head of Our Revolution, Geevarghese focused on organizing grassroots voters to oppose Donald Trump and elect as many progressive candidates as possible. He invigorated the push to return the Democratic Party to its working-class roots, cutting off the cementing of Wall Street influences at the decision-making level, and fighting to end DNCC active suppression of progressive candidates in favor of Democratic incumbents whose corporatist affiliations and support for lifestyle over economic issues had disillusioned a broad swath of the electorate. 

Essentially, to shake up party leadership to parallel the power of the Fighting Oligarchy Tour initiated by Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the wake of Trump’s wresting the reins of American government away from democratic process and the rapid ascension of corporate greed-driven decision-making within his administration.

Our Revolution’s three-point strategy as stated on its website is to:

* Elect Progressive Champions up and down the ballot who are committed to breaking the power of oligarchs;

* Get Oligarch Money out of Politics and eliminate in the influence of corporations, billionaires and consultants in our political process; and 

* Fight the Oligarch Agenda from Capitol Hill to City Halls, and fight FOR an agenda that delivers for poor and working people

So why did Geevarghese and his anti-billionaire organization last week endorse billionaire Tom Steyer for California Governor in what amounts to a blatant ad for the Steyer campaign?

Beyond sponsoring a Virtual Town Hall opposing Big Oil’s 2023 attempt to overturn the bill banning oil and gas drilling within 3,200 feet from homes, schools, hospitals, and nursing homes and Our Revolution’s endorsement of Prop 50, Geevarghese appears to have minimal experience in hardscrabble California politics. 

This website endorsement looks like it’s bought and paid for by Steyer who engaged directly with Our Revolution’s organizers in obtaining their blessing; we know how well it goes when billionaires buy elections.

Steyer who certainly talked the talk to get this endorsement to back up the $115 million plus he has already spent or booked in ads for broadcast TV, cable and radio.

But can a hedge fund manager who made his billions from investing in private prisons and the oil industry walk the walk? Can a leopard change its spots?

How come Our Revolution is supporting the oligarch and not long-time politician-for-the-people, Xavier Becerra? 

Becerra may not be your podium-thumping progressive in the image of Bernie, AOC, and Graham Platner but he has the proven wisdom of keeping his mouth shut until he can tally up what’s really important and allows him to have quiet off-the-record discussions without already having shown his hand to negotiate win-win solutions. 

Where the Trumps and AOCs ratchet up the conflict, he eases tensions back to a manageable level.

He’s a seasoned politician who has proven experience navigating rough waters with Republicans. It’s not enough just to win in California this year; the next governor must also deal with the Trumpian universe for the following two years. 

Becerra is quiet because he plays the long game; he thinks before opening his mouth.

As my Representative in Congress in Northeast Los Angeles from 1993 to 2017, I interacted with him and his office on a regular basis at in-person Town Halls all over his District, during his frequent Telephone Town Halls from D.C., at “Coffee with your Congressman” meetups, and in phone calls too numerous to count.

He and his staff were always courteous, and he welcomed my questions and gave informative, measured responses on issues ranging from his work on the Congressional Super Committee on deficit reduction to the plight of the homeless to the trade deals that profited corporate interests over his constituents.

If he didn’t make any commitments, it was to ensure he kept as many doors open as possible to form a strong coalition that could make sure the best solutions passed.

He was key in the win for ordinary Americans, stopping the slashing of Social Security proposed by the Super Committee’s Republicans, convinced the Bush tax cuts should expire because it was the force driving the deficit.

He went from having bought into the political trope accepted as gospel and at Los Angeles City Hall at the time that those on the streets were drunkards and addicts and started to work on behalf of the women and families, those who lost their housing to medical bills and arrest – not even conviction – of a breadwinner who couldn’t come up with bail, the increasing divide between cost of living and minimum wage and other challenges rampant in his district that boasted the highest percentage of immigrants in the nation.

He started off supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), as pushed by Obama’s corporate-dominated International Trade Commission and eagerly endorsed by then-mayor Garcetti for the additional port income it promised. 

Over years, multiple questions from me and many others led him to understand that under the TPP, the people of the United States would suffer significantly from its non-tariff provisions – the international rush to lowest common denominator business decisions, further losses of well-paying American jobs, the rush to eviscerate environmental protections to compete with unregulated overseas competitors, the removal of copyright protections. As a consequence, he made an impassioned speech in Congress, hammering home the drawbacks that led to the demise of the TPP’s ratification.

He was and is a strong advocate for women and families. 

As California’s Attorney General, he held the line against Trump during the first reign of the world-be monarch, maybe not as flamboyantly as Bonta, but at least as effectively 

As Biden’s head of Health and Human Services during Covid, he worked quietly albeit mostly behind the scenes to benefit as many Americans as possible. A far cry from RFK, Jr. and his murderous antics.

The only reason I would not want him as governor would be to have him as the next President of the United States. In my mind, he is one of the best options for governor running, as well as for president, with strong connections at the city, state and federal level, with progressives and the DNC, and with mainstream Republicans.

He is an American who can get things done with a long-standing track record, and would be a persuasive force for a positive Californian future.

Think again, Our Revolution. 

And California voters, beware. 

If Our Revolution can’t change, then neither can Steyer.

(Liz Amsden is a former Angeleno now living in Vermont and a regular CityWatch contributor. She writes on issues she’s passionate about, including social justice, government accountability, and community empowerment. Liz brings a sharp, activist voice to her commentary and continues to engage with Los Angeles civic affairs from afar. She can be reached at [email protected].)

 

 

 

 

 

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